Rebekka A. Klein - - Edition Ruprecht. Introduction: Philosophical Anthropology and Social Analysis. Social Anthropology by E. Social Action and Human Nature.
Axel Honneth - - Cambridge University Press. Anthropology in the Context That Produced It.
- Posts tagged "africa" | Learning at the Library.
- The Yiddish Policemens Union.
- The Expansive Moment: The Rise of Social Anthropology In Britain and Africa, 1918–1970.
- The Sky Observers Guide?
- Solvable Cases of the Decision Problem!
Terence Rajivan Edward - - Meta 6 1 Anthropology: A Continental Perspective. Christoph Wulf - - University of Chicago Press. Bloch, Maurice. Muhammad A. Warms eds. Sage Publications. Der Niedergang des Strukturfunktionalismus und der Aufstieg paradigmatischer Alternativen in der Ethnologie. Ethnographica Moralia: Experiments in Interpretive Anthropology. Marcus eds.
Anthropology and anthropologists forty years on
Neni K. The history of academic disciplines is the story of both ideas and institutions. How did anti-colonial politics gradually intersect with the establishment of universities in Africa? Before the second world war, there were already a number of Colleges scattered across British-controlled Africa, such as Fourah Bay College in Freetown, first established in s. Makerere in Uganda, and Achimota in the Gold Coast both offered post-secondary vocational education by But most African Higher Education institutions were developed after the war, with colleges being formed in Ibadan and Legon in , and Makerere being upgraded to university status in As with new provincial universities in the UK, they initially had to teach to London University curricula and maintain the same entrance standards.
This meant that often places went unfilled — there were vacancies in University College Ghana in As Tadesse notes, these universities were lavishly funded, often located on campuses away from urban centres. Several of the universities were regional in ambition, and only later became national institutions. The initial focus on standards was gradually replaced by a call for relevance and usefulness. The situation in Francophone Africa was rather different.
The French did not support the early creation of African universities, and the only university founded prior to independence was in Dakar. Both Mamadiou Diouf and Achille Mbembe, founders of the Senegal school of cultural philosophy, and leaders of a movement to develop an autochthonous African scholarly project, were trained in France Diouf and Mbembe The picture is complex and country-specific. Nkwi and Messina describe the teaching of Ethnology within Sociology at the University of Yaounde in Cameroon, firstly led by a French anthropologist in the s, and gradually evolving till anthropology become, in , a recognised degree in its own right.
- The Man Time Forgot: A Tale of Genius, Betrayal, and the Creation of Time Magazine (P.S.)?
- Integrated Project Management;
- Other Subject Areas.
Anthropological work in Anglophone Africa was both aided and abetted by British support for social research, through the funding provided by the Colonial Social Science Research Council Mills, this volume. Couched in a paternalist rhetoric of colonial development and welfare, two hundred different social research projects were established across British Africa in the s, many of which were anthropologically informed.
Yet the very prestige and visibility of such projects led, in the minds of many African observers, to the discipline being closely associated with colonial administrations. The original purpose of the centres had been to build research-capacity and train local researchers; this did not always materialise. Schumaker describes how many of the research assistants employed at the RLI were never offered permanent appointments within the institute, despite developing a strong commitment to the discipline, and went on to develop non-academic careers. Like Kenyatta however, they made anthropology their own, making use of their nationalist political credentials to gain access to sensitive urban contexts, and also using their research appointments to further their own political careers.
In Makerere, Ugandan research assistants left for careers in journalism and politics. These research institutes were plagued by their history and their semi- autonomous status in relation to the new universities, few of which established departments of anthropology. Not one of the universities in English-speaking Africa, save for South Africa, created a single-discipline anthropology department, though a number of joint departments of anthropology and sociology were created, including in Nigeria, Sudan, Zimbabwe, and Ethiopia.
Nigeria was one exception to this general relegation of anthropology in the post- colonial period. A strong tradition of anthropological research was begun when Nathaniel Fadipe became the first Nigerian to receive a PhD in social anthropology in There followed a succession of scholars, who whilst calling themselves sociologists for tactical reasons, trained in social anthropology in Europe and America.
From the mid s onwards flourishing universities like Makerere came under increasing state control, and growing social pressure to Africanise their workforce. This was also a time during which dynamic new schools of thought emerged within the radical social sciences, such as the Dar es Salaam school of political economy Rodney ; Shivji and new schools of thinking within history.
- Soil Fungi and Soil Fertility. An Introduction to Soil Mycology.
- Further Reading?
- Dressing Your Characters in Casual Wear (How to Draw Manga, Volume 4).
- Data Analysis with Open Source Tools: A hands-on guide for programmers and data scientists.
- The Expansive Moment: The rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa 1918-1970;
Viewed historically, the omens for anthropology in late-colonial Africa were never auspicious, born as it was amidst a rising tide of anti-colonial sentiment and the increasingly scholastic and metropolitan concerns of academic social anthropology. The inevitable consequence of being associated with Colonial office funding was that anthropology in Anglophone Africa became the scapegoat.
With the exception of South Africa, most African anthropologists adopted new identities and taught in cognate disciplines. With neither a presence in the new universities nor support from African intelligentsia, the rejection of the discipline in the s and s was almost complete. New academic fashions developed. Works by Amin , Cabral , Walter Rodney , Mafeje , Shivji and Mamdani captivated a growing community of African social scientists. Structural Marxism, revisionist histories and dependency theory analyses threw light on the history of colonialism and the structurally peripheral economic and political relationships Africa found itself in.
At the first International Congress of Africanists in , anthropology was attacked for its portrayal of African societies in a way that justified colonial rule Bown and Crowder Paul Nkwi notes that this critique was repeated at the Algiers Congress of African intellectuals Nkwi a. The focus was on nation-building as a means to development. The paradox was that neither modernisation paradigm, nor its critique, engaged with the everyday reality of life on the continent. Applied anthropology continued during the s as Brokensha demonstrates , , but was primarily carried out by Western expatriate scholars.
Debate over the epistemological and racial politics inherent in the Western academic study of Africa continue to this day, particularly in the US. This has lead established scholars to dismiss the work of African Americans and those in the diaspora who have moved from area specific to theme-specific studies of African studies.
DuBois, that explores Africa in relation to its diasporic communities. How are anthropologists being employed? There is a growing literature and debates about the history of the discipline and its teaching in Africa e. Gordon ; Nkwi ; Mamdani across Africa, and it is now possible to piece together a continent wide picture of disciplinary practice. Within Anglophone Africa there are very few university institutions with explicitly labelled Anthropology departments outside Southern Africa.
Engaging Anthropological Theory
Exceptions include a number of joint Sociology and Anthropology departments in Nigeria, Moi university in Kenya, and the University of Khartoum. Sudan holds the record for the longest record of teaching within a department of anthropology, where it has been taught since Kameir and Elbakri In Nigeria there has also been a long tradition of anthropology teaching, either within sociology departments or joint departments of sociology and anthropology, with the particular emphasis of each dependent on the scholars founding the department Otite The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, founded by Nnamdi Azikwe, was one of the first to teach anthropology see Ezeh, this volume.
As Pankhurst demonstrates this volume Anthropology has also had a relatively unbroken record in Ethiopia, where it has been taught at the University of Addis Ababa since the late s. Each country and institution has a different and very specific history and relationship with the discipline. South Africa has a rather different history Gordon , Hammond-Tooke , both because of the early development of anthropology departments in South Africa - Radcliffe-Brown taught at UCT in the s - and because of its years of isolation under apartheid.
Yet even in Southern Africa, one often finds a contradictory situation. As leBeau and Gordon note, this has been primarily carried out by Western expatriates rather than local scholars. If there are relatively few universities teaching anthropology in Anglophone Africa, there are even fewer in Francophone Africa. Instead, as Abega shows in this volume, anthropologists were usually trained first in philosophy, often within the seminary. An informal sample of the situation in Anglophone Africa can be taken from those staff listed as teaching in Sociology or Anthropology departments in the Commonwealth University Yearbook.
Of the or so academics listed, roughly two-thirds had a Masters or PhD degree from a non-African university. The sample is a casual one, potentially skewed by a selective listing of only the senior staff within departments, but it is nonetheless revealing.
clublavoute.ca/redow-sitios-para-solteros.php African anthropology continues to be characterised by an imbalance in its disciplinary networks. The international networks that are a legacy of colonial rule outweigh the regional and national networks that one might have predicted to develop. This has both positive and negative consequences. African anthropology has thrived on its contacts and exchanges with British, French, American and other European anthropologies via scholarships and sabbaticals, workshops and conferences, exchange of teachers and students, research funding, and participation in joint research projects.
Although this has protected African anthropology from provincialism, it has been at the expense of forging similar contacts and exchanges among African anthropologists, even amongst those within a single country. It is instructive that anthropologists in Africa communicate less across national boundaries than they do with colleagues in Europe and North America. The separation seems even greater between Anglophone and Francophone African anthropologists where language is a major hindrance.
One example of this is the relative paucity of linkages between South African anthropologists and those from the rest of the continent.
Two distinct traditions of anthropology also developed in South Africa, one catering to the intellectual interests and linguistic needs of Afrikaans intellectuals, and the other to the more liberal English-speaking anthropological community. Neither addressed the interests or training needs of black academics.
The issue today for African anthropology is not simply one of redressing the geo- political balance, but also one of sustaining its global networks, which have been seriously undermined by the more inward-looking economic and educational policies of the Western countries.
African anthropology enters the 21st century not only fragmented, but also isolated from the international anthropological community. With universities declining in prestige and resources, intellectual outlooks are becoming narrow and provincial, and the best of staff and graduates emigrating. These material constraints and inequities have been extensively explored in the literature Selassie and Kameir ; Ajayi ; Mamdani Consultancies are not in themselves problematic, but they can result in the confining of intellectual production and debate to routine reports, sacrificing scholarly creativity to survival necessities.
A particular problem for many African researchers has been the way they have ended up serving as local sources of information for their more fortunate colleagues abroad. A more positive aspect of the interaction between anthropology and its cognate disciplines has been the growing integration of qualitative and quantitative approaches within anthropological work. Partly driven by the conventions of bio-medical research, anthropologists have increasingly found ways of using quantitative tools to analyse qualitative research.
Related The Expansive Moment: The rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa 1918-1970
Copyright 2019 - All Right Reserved